National Review has sunk to a new low by publishing this unsupported and unsupportable hatchet job in "The Week":
Mike Huckabee’s rising poll numbers make him the exciting new face in the presidential race, much as Fred Thompson was in the spring. But let’s get serious. Huckabee was an undistinguished governor; both Romney and Giuliani had more executive accomplishments. Huckabee has a better feel for the public’s concerns over health care and wage stagnation than other Republicans; but his distinctive solutions, such as protectionism, would be terrible public policy. Some conservatives fantasize that Huckabee would expand the Republican coalition. But as Patrick Buchanan demonstrated, the blue-collar protectionist voters that populism attracts do not make up for the free-market voters it repels. Huckabee isn’t even the complete social conservative he has been made out to be: He opposes school vouchers. Huckabee is a compelling orator. Would that he had more compelling things to say.
(By the way, the only assertion of fact here--"he opposes school vouchers"--is
factually wrong. All the rest is an inflammatory statement of opinion.)
Why is National Review being so negative about Huckabee, when he is 100% solidly pro-life and pro-family, doesn't support the horrid violation of the 1st Amendment that is the McCain-Feingold Act, and is an effective and genuinely likable spokesman for conservative ideals and against big-government disasters like Hillarycare?
I think it is because the popularity of Huckabee highlights the ongoing breakdown of fusionism, which is National Review's foundational philosophy.
What is fusionism, you might ask? It is fusing together two distinct dogmatic beliefs: the invisible hand of free markets will always result in the greatest economic good, and personal moral conduct should be governed by standards revealed by the Judeo-Christian religions.
The odd thing about fusionism is that when you accept the proposition that free markets always produce the greatest economic good, you must reject the idea that government economic policies should ever be governed by standards revealed by Judeo-Christian morals. Government should not show any special care for widows and orphans: the free market is the tide that lifts all boats, and anyone left without a boat must simply hope for some non-governmental charitable act to save them.
In other words, under fusionism, we take our religion into the public square, except we leave it at the market door. There's a great deal of tension inherent in this view, especially since Judeo-Christian morals teach us lessons of corporate responsibility to lift up those who are economically vulnerable.
Moreover, pure, Darwinian free markets are on a cataclysmic collision course with the traditional family. In our post-agrarian society, children are no longer an economic asset for parents. Instead, they are a huge economic drain, in direct costs and opportunity costs for parents who can't devote themselves as much to their jobs. Our industrial and service-oriented economic system rewards the childless and the people who focus on work outside the home. The economic incentives are all wrong when it comes to families. As Jennifer Roback Morse has argued well, the
laissez-faire family doesn't work.
The internal contradictions in fusionism have always been fairly evident, but somehow it still
worked for a long time. When many women still stayed at home to raise children and the government tried to control prices, the push toward a more laissez-faire economic policy actually helped families. But today is a different story. Wages have been depressed because of so many more women working (and unchecked immigration), housing prices are out of reach for many middle class families in many areas now, good jobs are moving overseas, the entry ticket to a middle class job (the college degree) gets much more expensive every year, and the retiring Baby Boomers are about to crush the economic future of our children. Unless we change the economic incentives for families, we're on track for the demographic winter that is already crushing Europe.
National Review sometimes acknowledges these issues--particularly Mark Steyn, who often writes about our demographic doom. And a couple years back there was the "crunchie con" edition, acknowledging the conservatives who want to "act local" to reclaim traditional families and communities and resist the dehumanizing trends of globalism. But just as often, or more often, they publish articles in which rising personal consumption is presented as a
good thing, and any limits on globalism as apostasy.
Huckabee takes the side of Mark Steyn and the crunchie cons, and says No to Darwinism in all its forms. He isn't a fusionist, he's just conservative. Conserving life, conserving the environment, conserving family bonds. And by golly, the people of faith in America like that! What if the conservatives don't need the extreme economic liberals (in the old sense of the word liberal) to form a governing coalition? What is the future of fusionism then?
Perhaps there isn't much of one. In which case, there may not be much of a future for fusionism's greatest herald, National Review.